Archive for December, 2010

December 30, 2010

Wikileaks’ “Afghan War Diary” as Litmus Test for Media Bias

Reposted from tiresiasspeaks:

On July 25th the organization known as WikiLeaks, a confidential resource for whistleblowers who wish to release secrets to the public,  released tens of thousands of classified documents pertaining to the war in Afghanistan. The Afghan War Diary, as it is called provides an unfiltered look at the war in Afghanistan as told by coalition forces on the ground. Not surprisingly, these documents paint a somewhat different picture of the war than what the American public is used to hearing from American journalists and politicians. According to an interview WikiLeaks’ founder Julian Assange had with Democracy Now’s Amy Goodman, the documents (some of which have not yet been released by WikiLeaks) even reveal dozens of potential US war crimes against innocent civilians. At a minimum The Afghan War Diary reveals numerous civilian deaths, problems with unmanned drones, Pakistan’s possible support of the Taliban, and the corruption and unreliability of Afghan government officials as well as military and police forces.  However,  what is perhaps more revealing than the leak itself, is the opportunity it has provided to gauge media bias.

WikiLeaks did an interesting thing when they decided to release The Afghan War Diary- before going entirely public with the leak they gave three major newspapers a sneak preview: The New York Times in the US, The Guardian in the United Kingdom, and Der Spiegel in Germany. All three papers received the WikiLeaks documents three days before they went up on the WikiLeaks webpage and agreed not to publish anything about them until WikiLeaks’ official release date on July 25th. Two days later Eric Johnson broke a fascinating story in the Huffington Post about how differently The New York Times and The Guardian had covered the leak. In essence, he found that the two papers ran entirely different stories about the same exact material.

Johnson relied on a method called content analysis when comparing the two papers. This method involves both recording the number of instances a certain word or phrase appears in an article as well as determining the broader intention of the text. However, the simple truth is you don’t need a scientific approach to realize the vast differences between the two stories. It’s obvious. All you have to do is look at the most prominent article in The Guardian with the headline, “Afghanistan war logs: Secret CIA paramilitaries’ role in civilian deaths” versus the most prominent article in The New York Times with the headline, “Pakistan Spy Service Aids Insurgents, Reports Assert.” The difference between the two papers’ coverage of the leak is plain to see: The Guardian focused on civilian casualties and The New York Times focused on the connection between Pakistan and the Taliban. For an interesting example from Johnson’s article:

“Of the twenty times the word “civilian” is used in The Times only nine uses are in reference to casualties resulting from combat operations (four of these are clustered in a single section midway down the page and two were at the hands of Afghan soldiers or police). The Guardian‘s coverage used the word “civilian” 41 times in their primary coverage and 37 of these uses referred specifically to civilian casualties (two cases occurred in each newspaper concerning hypothetical casualties and these have not been included). The difference between The Times and The Guardian is dramatic and represents a ratio of 2:1.”

Johnson goes on to explain that after he factored in the differences in word count between the two articles it became apparent that The New York Times had actually focused seven times less attention on civilian casualties than The Guardian. So, why is there such a discrepancy in the coverage?

Johnson writes that the fact that The New York Times chose not to emphasize civilian casualties, “suggests a political motive to avoid discussing the human impact of the war. This is consistent with the hypothesis that a close association between journalists and American political, economic, and military officials would influence reporters in the direction of those same officials.” In other words, this sort of bias is the inevitable result of journalists and editors constantly rubbing shoulders with (as well as needing to maintain access to) the very politicians they are theroretically supposed to be holding accountable.The New York Times’ own Note to Readers on July 25th reaffirms this hypothesis in that it reveals that the paper’s editors spoke with White House officials prior to making a decision regarding what they would publish.  This sort of voluntary censorship coupled with an article that almost completely omits what many believe to be the primary significance of The Afghan War Diary is disturbing to say the least. It would seem that the United State’s most prestigious newspaper is doing US government officials a favor by trying to garner public support for an increasingly unpopular war.

None of this is to say that The Guardian is a more honest paper. The fact of the matter is that if The Guardian were addressing an issue as central to British politics as the Afghanistan war is to politics in the United States you could probably expect a similar result. While it focused much more on the civilian casualties in Afghanistan, even The Guardian’s story dramatically underestimated the number of civilian deaths revealed in the documents. To quote Johnson again:

“In The Guardian‘s article entitled “Logs Reveal Grim Toll on Civilians” they state that the documents show “144 entries in the logs recording…hundreds of casualties.” However, this was only in the so-called “blue on white” events (those cases where US and NATO forces acknowledged firing on civilians). Further analysis of the data show that these are only a small percentage of the overall impact on the Afghan population. In the category labeled High Severity there are 1,539 pages including 50 military reports on each page. A search for CIV KIA (military code for civilians killed in action) among the first 5,000 reports brings a total of 796 hits. In other words, an average of one in six reports contains evidence of a civilian death, and most involve more than one.”

All of this demonstrates the incredible importance of what Julain Assange and WikiLeaks are doing. By releasing actual reports detailing what the war is really like as told by actual reports from coalition forces the American public is empowered to ask not only, why is the war in Afghanistan being spun to us? But also, who’s doing the spinning?

December 30, 2010

Wage Theft in America – Two Approaches

Mercedes Herrerra is a 39-year-old Mexican immigrant living in Houston, Texas. Working primarily for staffing agencies, she first started cleaning houses and sports facilities in 1996. Paid meager wages, working long hours and travelling some distance to get to new job sites, her staffing agency charged her as much as $100 per week for gloves and cleaning supplies.

As if the massive charges for basic cleaning supplies weren’t enough, her employers found other ways to skim more cash off of her hard work.

“She was never paid for overtime. Her employers would tell her, “There is no overtime. After 40 hours you work for someone else.”

-Personal Accounts of Wage Theft

A study conducted in 2008 by the UCLA in conjunction with the National Employment Law Project found that, amongst non-managerial and non-technical workers in the United States, wage theft is a virtual epidemic.

The study found that nearly 70% of workers surveyed had experienced some type of pay violation within the previous week. Of those, the average worker lost $51 out of an average weekly earnings of $339, or nearly 15% of annual wages. For the workers who partook in the study, this meant an average annual loss of $2,634 – no small sum when you’re living on $17,616 a year.

In all, it was estimated that in Chicago, New York and Los Angeles alone, $2.9 billion in wages had been stolen from workers within a years time.

In response to the crisis, organizations have used two general approaches to help stem the tide of wage theft.

The first approach emphasizes legislative action and social service. It calls for political leaders to crack down on employers who break the law, and for union leadership to fulfill their role as mediator between worker and owner. Advocates of this approach prefer protesting through so-called “proper channels.”

The second approach contends that the established political system is partly to blame for the mess in the first place. They argue that in order for us to effectively confront the problem of wage theft in the United States, we will need workers to fight their bosses themselves, instead of relying on either politicians or social service providers. This approach is known as “Direct Action.”

Proper Channels:

When asked the question “how can we fight wage theft?” Executive Director of Interfaith Worker Justice (IWJ), Kim Bobo answered:

“We need a strong union movement. We need a strong network of social services and grassroots organizations. And we need a strong Department of Labor that enforces labor laws.”

Speaking about her new book Wage Theft, she emphasizes, “I have four chapters on how we can strengthen the Labor Department.”

Bobo continued, “we need a secretary of labor who cares about wage theft and who can make it a priority… Most important, we need more cops on the job. There are 750 investigators for 130 million workers in the country… I believe we need to quadruple that staff.”

“Finally,” she concludes, “we need to have meaningful punishments. If you steal wages from workers, there needs to be consequences…”

The interview from which these quotes were taken wrongly emphasizes, this author believes, the role of politicians and service providers in fighting wage theft today.

December 23, 2010

Homeland Security Video Messages Debut at Wal-Mart

Reposted from Tiresias Speaks:

In the airport, Americans are now faced with the choice of allowing the Transportation Security Administration to molest them and their families or view their naked bodies if they want to travel. On the internet, the private sector is happily carrying out state censorship with PayPal, Mastercard, Amazon, and other companies doing everything in their power to shut down the whistle blowers’ website Wikileaks. Now, in the latest of a string of policies purportedly helping to keep the American people safe, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has announced a new partnership with the retail giant Wal-Mart as part of its “If You See Something, Say Something” campaign.


Over 230 Wal-Mart stores across the nation began airing DHS video messages at select checkout stations on Monday, with a total of 588 Wal-Mart stores in 27 states planning to roll out the program in the coming weeks. The message thanks Wal-Mart for its participation in the program and implores shoppers to report any suspicious activity to a Wal-Mart manager or the proper authorities immediately.

“Homeland security starts with hometown security, and each of us plays a critical role in keeping our country and communities safe,” said Secretary Napolitano, “I applaud Wal-Mart for joining the ‘If You See Something, Say Something’ campaign. This partnership will help millions of shoppers across the nation identify and report indicators of terrorism, crime and other threats to law enforcement authorities.”

Wal-Mart is not the only company the DHS is partnering with. The DHS’ partners already include the Mall of America, the American Hotel and Lodging Association, Amtrak, the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, sports and general aviation industries, and this could only be the beginning.

According to the DHS website, “the Department will continue to expand the “‘If You See Something, Say Something” campaign nationally with public education materials and outreach tools designed to help America’s businesses, communities and citizens remain vigilant and play an active role in keeping the country safe.”

Some applaud the new program as an easy and relatively unobtrusive way for the government to encourage Americans to stay alert while others find that it sends a cold chill running down their spine. In fact, it is difficult for some to think about these sort of ambiguous “security” messages being broadcast so widely without being reminded of George Orwell’s 1984. To them, the irrational culture of fear and submission these sorts of messages perpetuate is more dangerous than terrorism itself.

After all, the TSA has never stopped a single attempted terrorist attack, but it has greatly infringed on the liberties of regular Americans. The information leaked by Wikileaks has never resulted in the known death of even a single person, but it has prompted a governmental backlash and sent senators scrambling to draft new legislation to restrict freedom of information on the web. So, what are the DHS’ video messages actually going to accomplish? Are they really going to save any American lives?

Or, are they simply going to further inundate the American public with the irrational fear behind the idea that safety must come at the price of freedom?

December 11, 2010

The Tea Party

The Tea Party – how the Republicans are using them, and what the Left can learn from the experience.

Tea Party supporters pledge allegiance to the U.S. flag

The American conservative movement known as the Tea Party has caused quite a stir since its first protests against government bailouts in 2009.

They have held hundreds of rallies across the country, attracting massive attendances while garnering the scorn and admiration of all the major news networks. While some have labelled them as dangerous extremists, others have celebrated their populism.

Undoubtedly, the Tea Party has elements of a true grassroots movement. However, there have been many legitimate accusations that the movement is astro-turf – meaning that their events have been covertly organized and funded by wealthy special interests.

Who are the Tea Partiers?

As of April, 18% of the American public said they identified with the Tea Party.

Of those who did, most were wealthier individuals: over 30% made a family income of over $75,000 a year, while a whopping 12% of Tea Partiers’ families made over $250,000 (in contrast, only 1% of the wider American public share that privilege according to the U.S. census bureau).

Additionally, supporters of the Tea Party are predominantly older, white, and male. (75% are 45 years of age or older, 89% are white, and 59% were male).

According to an April CBS poll of Tea Party supporters, proponents primarily wanted to reduce the scope and size of the federal government. Largely, this is because of an opposition to the economic legislation the Obama administration has enacted, as well as a host of misconceptions and prejudices (the belief, for example, that Obama has raised taxes for most Americans, or that “too big a deal” has been made of the plight of blacks in the U.S.).

This anger towards the Obama administration, stoked by right-wing media, has been mobilized by organizers from FreedomWorks – a right-wing community organizing campaign used to get out the vote for Republican Politicians.

How the Republicans are using them:

80% of the Tea Party movement believe that there is at least “some,” or “a lot” of difference between their movement and the Republican Party – and yet the Republican Party (with significant aid from FreedomWorks, who spent more than $10 million on mobilizing Tea Partiers to support Republican candidates) has managed to harness their vote, and ride it on a wave of victory to Washington.

For the most part, in fact, Tea Party politicians are Republicans – only in a few states (Nevada and Florida) are there registered Tea Parties running candidates. Where there were registered Tea Party candidates running, moreover, they were largely doing so as spoilers, and not because they believed they could win.

Out of 10 Senate Candidates backed by the Tea Party this mid-term election, for example, the five who were elected to office are members of the Republican Party.

Of the 130 politicians backed by the Tea Party for seats in the U.S. House,  again, all 40 of the winning candidates were Republicans.

It is not so much an upset, then, that so many Tea Party backed candidates won seats in the last midterm election. The vast majority of the politicians who have been elected are, for all intents and purposes, fairly typical Republicans.

It was really more a case of the Republicans taking advantage of the Tea Party than it was of the Tea Party taking advantage of the Republicans. Nowhere is this more evident than in the contrast between anti-elitist rhetoric in the Tea Party and the reality of a wealthy minority bankrolling the electoral operations of the movement.

Author Zach Carter of The Media Consortium notes,

“The Tea Party likes to wrap itself in ‘grassroots’ contempt for wealthy elites, but the 12 leading Tea Party Senate candidates have accepted over $4.6 million in campaign contributions from Wall Street for the upcoming election.”

Of the Tea Party politicians poised to take their seats in the nation’s capitol, perhaps the most blatantly opportunistic is Pennsylvania Republican Pat Toomey.

Hardly the rebel upstart media pundits would like to paint him as, Toomey is as Wall Street as they come.

Formerly a derivatives trader at Morgan Grenfell, a British financial firm, Toomey helped pioneer some of the riskiest new financial instruments that contributed to the 2008 economic catastrophe.

Robert Hunter of DerivativesStrategy.com celebrated Toomey’s first election, in fact, remarking: “now the derivatives industry can claim representation by one of its own.”

The financial industry, for their part, has been more than willing to support “one of their own,” donating hundreds of thousands of dollars to his campaign.

Top amongst them has been the Elliot Management Corporation, a major Wall Street hedge fund and derivatives trader owned by conservative capitalist Paul Singer.

What the left can learn:

For all the heated campaign rhetoric amongst politicians on the left and right, there are striking similarities between the tactics of the Tea Party movement and more established progressive organizations (such as the AFL-CIO). Both are essentially trying to change the direction of one of the nation’s two political parties – one trying to push the Democrats, the other trying to push the Republicans – and both rely heavily on streamlining a sort of “professional activism,” where volunteers are quickly plugged into massive, coordinated canvassing and phone banking projects to get out the vote.

The Tea Party’s co-optation by the Republican Party is useful to us on the left because it demonstrates that for people who have fundamental disagreements with the established order – whether they be right-wing libertarians or anarchists – there are certain political strategies conducive to changing the system, and certain strategies which will never work (namely, direct action or electoralism).

Herein lies the good news: although the media has hyped up the “Tea Party upsets” in the last midterm election, we can proceed with great confidence that it will meet with the same failures which have plagued progressive organizations such as the AFL-CIO – namely, that candidates who are elected to public office will cave to the pressures of well monied interests and uphold the status quo.

Far from being the beginning of a serious right-wing movement capable of reforming the U.S. Government in its own image, the Tea Party could more aptly be described simply as a failed libertarian electoral campaign, who influenced the policy of the federal government in 2010 only insofar as their participation in the elections could be used by the Republicans.

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